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TIME: Almanac 1995
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<text id=90TT0295>
<title>
Feb. 05, 1990: Sanctions:What Spells Success?
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
Feb. 05, 1990 Mandela:Free At Last?
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 31
Sanctions: What Spells Success?
</hdr>
<body>
<p>By Bruce W. Nelan
</p>
<p> Now that F.W. de Klerk has promised "an end to white
domination" and "a new era" in South Africa, anti-apartheid
campaigners in the U.S. and Europe have begun to claim success
for the economic sanctions they imposed during the 1980s. Such
credit takers should beware of premature celebration; victory
is not at hand, and foreign pressure on the land of apartheid
has not had quite the effect that was predicted.
</p>
<p> All along there has been confusion about what would
constitute success for sanctions. True, the U.S. ban on
importing coal and agricultural products cost South Africa more
than $400 million in lost trade (much of it replaced by
increased sales to Asia), and the supension of most new
investment from abroad has reduced the country's economic
growth rate by about 30%, to the current 2.2%. But such
statistics by themselves do not add up to success. There was
never any doubt that punitive measures could damage the South
African economy. The real question was whether hurting the
economy could force the government to change its fundamental
apartheid policies.
</p>
<p> The answer is no, or at least not yet. Pretoria's calls for
change are not a recent concession to foreign pressure. As
early as 1979, long before economic sanctions were considered,
President P.W. Botha told his Afrikaner volk to "adapt or die."
In 1986 he described apartheid as "outdated and unacceptable."
It was only later that year, to push for faster change, that
the U.S. enacted its comprehensive sanctions bill. Those
measures hit South Africa where it hurts: in the economy, and
in the keen sense among whites that they are pariahs in the
world's eyes and will remain so until apartheid is abolished.
That may be the most telling impact of the sanctions. Today
most whites are eager to end the pain and regain a place among
civilized nations. Yet they are also angry and resentful,
blaming Americans in particular for what they see as rank
hypocrisy. Many insist that the U.S. has lost, not gained,
leverage over South African policies.
</p>
<p> And what is the government offering in exchange? De Klerk
has released long-imprisoned black leaders and permitted black
protest meetings, but these are relaxations of the security
rules rather than political changes. In spite of sanctions and
the new mood of optimism about negotiations for a new
constitution, Pretoria remains essentially unyielding on the
larger issue of one man, one vote. It insists that majority
rule, the central demand of the African National Congress, is
inherently "unjust" and would amount to black "domination" over
the white minority.
</p>
<p> Neither external nor domestic pressure has managed to budge
Botha or De Klerk from this basic position. National Party
ministers say they see no point in trying to appease overseas
sanctioners because nothing will satisfy them except handing
over power to a black government, which Pretoria says it will
never do.
</p>
<p> Well then, comes the natural response, more and tougher
sanctions are needed. That too is open to question. A major
slowdown in South Africa could halt the growth of the skilled
black work force and the development of black economic power,
which have already caused irreversible changes in the apartheid
system--legalization of black unions, abolition of the
internal pass laws, legalization of some nonracial
neighborhoods. These developments, more than sanctions, have
helped change white thinking. And if broad new sanctions were
to cut deeply into the South African economy, the government's
probable response would be to abandon reform, crack down on
black protest and make certain that whites got their slice of
the shrinking pie first.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>